St James North by-election

By Colville Mounsey

colvillemounsey@nationnews.com

By-elections in Barbados have long served as more than just exercises in democratic continuity. They have frequently acted as bellwethers for national sentiment, testing the popularity of Governments in midstream, elevated future political titans and occasionally revealing the fragility of party unity. Now, with the resignation of Edmund Hinkson as Member of Parliament for St James North, Barbadians once again prepare for a by-election – one that brings two fresh faces into the electoral ring: the Barbados Labour Party’s (BLP) Chad Blackman and the Democratic Labour Party’s (DLP) Felicia Dujon. This impending race, constitutionally due within 90 days, arrives at a time of national introspection. As history has shown, by-elections are often far more consequential than their limited geographic scope would suggest. A tradition of political realignment

Since the first recorded post-Adult Suffrage by-election in 1954 in St Lucy – won by James Cameron Tudor – these midcycle contests have revealed the changing currents of public opinion. They often occur at pivotal moments: retirements, deaths and resignations that punctuate parliamentary life with the unexpected. Some by-elections have foreshadowed broader political shifts. In 1958, following Federal elections that removed Grantley Adams and Victor Vaughan from local seats, Barbados hosted two byelections in St Joseph and St John. The then-fledgling DLP won the St John seat with Errol Barrow, setting in motion a political ascension that would later change the trajectory of the island’s governance.

Similarly, the 1987 by-election in St John, prompted by Barrow’s death, became the launchpad for David Thompson, who would go on to lead the DLP and the country before his death in 2010. That latter event also triggered a consequential poll, this time electing his widow, Mara Thompson, to Parliament in 2011 with a resounding majority of more than 4 600 votes.

Testing the political temperature Beyond the emergence of individual leaders, by-elections have also served as a measure of Government performance and public discontent. Take the 1984 St Peter by-election, for example. Initially won by Sybil Leacock, of the DLP, by a mere one vote, it was later nullified by the Supreme Court.

When the seat was contested again in November that year, Owen Arthur – later to become Prime Minister – triumphed by a margin of 238 votes, marking the beginning of his national prominence.

In 2020, the by-election in St George North once again proved a litmus test. Gline Clarke’s resignation after 26 years triggered a high-profile race featuring six candidates, including the BLP’s Toni Moore and the DLP’s Floyd Reifer.

The contest, infused with pandemic protocols and digital campaigning, became a study in modern political mobilisation. It also revealed how entrenched partisanship, candidate recognition and ground campaigning intersect in an increasingly

Continued on next page.

re-run. (FP)

(FP)

From Page 18A.

fragmented electorate.

The campaign was not without controversy.

Allegations of vote-buying, misuse of electioneering paraphernalia and breach of the Elections Offences and Controversies Act

were levelled by opposition parties against the ruling BLP. These disputes underscored how by-elections, while local, are often fought with national stakes in mind.

A local race with national resonance

With Chad Blackman stepping forward for the BLP, a figure with international experience as a diplomat and trade expert, and Felicia Dujon entering the race for the DLP as a fresh voice with a background in advocacy and development, the St James North by-election is shaping into a generational and ideological contest.

This race also comes at a time when voter turnout in by-elections has been declining. In 2011, only 61.2 per cent of electors voted in the St John by-election following Thompson’s death.

In the 1996, St Michael North West race, turnout was even lower – just 53.6 per cent. Yet, despite such figures, by-elections continue to play a major role in shaping political narratives.

They also provide a stage for smaller and third parties to gain visibility, even if electoral success remains elusive. In 2020, candidates from Solutions Barbados, the United Progressive Party, and the Bajan Free Party used the by-election as a platform to articulate alternative policy agendas on everything from agriculture to land reform to anti-corruption.

St James North: A constituency in transition St James North has traditionally been a BLP stronghold. However, as history shows, no seat is immune to shifting political winds. Voters in by-elections are often more open to evaluating the candidates on personal merit rather than strictly along party lines.

Dujon brings to the DLP campaign a message grounded in social justice and participatory governance, which could resonate in a post-pandemic political landscape where many Barbadians are seeking empathetic representation. Meanwhile, Blackman’s candidacy, handpicked by Prime Minister Mia Amor Mottley and presented as continuity with competence, suggests the BLP intends to hold its ground with a well-recognised technocrat.

The pulse of democracy

As Barbados moves toward another by-election, it is not merely the fate of St James North that hangs in the balance.

These electoral contests have historically been crucibles in which new leadership is forged, public mood is measured and political norms are tested.

Whether this by-election confirms the strength of the ruling party, signals a revival for the Opposition, or opens space for alternative voices, one thing remains clear: by-elections in Barbados are rarely just about filling vacancies.

They are about recalibrating power, re-engaging voters, and redefining the political landscape – one vote at a time.

(FP)